SUNDAY MORNING POLITICAL TALK SHOWS IGNORE CORPORATE
POWER ISSUES
Executive Summary
Sunday morning political talk shows help set the agenda for debate in
Washington. Issues concerning corporate power directly impact peoples
lives, constitute substantive fodder for political discussion, and are
scintillating enough to attract large television audiences. However, this
quantitative study of four Sunday morning programs Meet the
Press, The Mclaughlin Group, Face the Nation, This Week demonstrates
that the shows avoid addressing issues related to corporate power.
The study found that:
- Topics related to corporate power -- the environment, corporate crime,
labor, mergers, consumer rights, corporate welfare, national health
care, free trade agreements, redlining, blockbusting, multinational
capital flight, tort reform, renewable energy, the commercialization
of children, etc. -- make up less than 4% of the shows discussion
topics.
- An overwhelming majority of invited guests on the shows are lawmakers,
government officials, and politicians -- a skew that tends to reinforce
narrow parameters of discussion and exclude issues of corporate power.
- Corporate influence over the networks, the shows and the guests in
part explains the remarkable omission of issues related to corporate
power. Multinational conglomerates own the networks, major corporations
sponsor specific shows, businesses regularly pay celebrity journalist
lecture fees, and massive corporations fund the campaigns of the guest
newsmakers.
Full Report: SUNDAY MORNING POLITICAL
TALK SHOWS IGNORE CORPORATE POWER ISSUES
On June 28 1995, FBI agents swarmed the headquarters of Archer Daniels
Midland, "Supermarket to the World," in Decatur, Illinois. Two
months later, ADM fired Mark Whitacre, a leading candidate to become the
companys next president, after discovering he had been secretly
tape-recording meetings between ADM executives for two years as an FBI
informant. Whitacre tried to commit suicide in late August 1995, but his
gardener pulled him out of his fuming BMW unconscious. And so began the
sensational unraveling of the biggest price-fixing scandal ever. On October
15, 1996, ADM pleaded guilty to two criminal antitrust charges and paid
$100 million, the largest criminal antitrust fine in history. On December
3, 1996, three top ADM executives were indicted on federal charges of
conspiring to fix prices in the worldwide market, and on July 9 1999,
Federal Judge Blanche Manning sentenced the three executives to 24 months
in prison.
The nations leading newspapers found the story so newsworthy that
during the 1995 - 1996 year, for four unconnected weeks, the ADM scandal
was front-page material on the Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, New
York Times, Chicago Tribune, and Boston Globe. On October 15, 1996 and
December 4, 1996, it headlined the front pages of the Wall Street Journal,
Washington Post, New York Times, Chicago Tribune, and USA Today. "The
drama at Archer Daniels Midland, already a high-stakes tale of money and
power, informants and intrigue, betrayal and corruption, keeps getting
more lurid," wrote Ronald Henkoff in the February 3, 1997 edition
of Fortune magazine. In September 2000, New York Times reporter Kurt Eichenwald
published a book, The Informant: A True Story,
about the ADM scandal that was widely reviewed and characterized as being
"as engaging as a Grisham thriller."
Despite the high drama of the corporate saga, the leading Sunday morning
political talk shows - This Week (with David
Brinkley), Meet the Press, The
Mclaughlin Group, Face the Nation,
and Inside Washington - all failed to say
a word about the scandal. Instead, the Sunday morning roundtables focused
on the state of the Republican Party, Ross Perot, Doles campaign,
Colin Powell, and Hillary Clinton.
Unfortunately, the talk shows failure to cover or even mention the
ADM case is routine. Reviewing the issues discussed on four shows representing
the three networks - Meet
the Press, Face the Nation,
The Mclaughlin Group, This
Week - we found that the exclusion of topics relating to corporate
power is the norm. To conduct our study, we read every transcript of the
four Sunday morning talk shows aired between June 1995 and June 1996 and
during the last six months of 1999. We then tallied the issues discussed
and the guests invited. Any issue, whether it be womens soccer or
welfare reform, was recorded if substantial time or conversation was devoted
to it. (These study intervals bracket but do not include the period of
media infatuation with the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal and Elian Gonzalez
and only slightly overlap with the O.J. Simpson trial. They include some
of the last two presidential election seasons, but not the height of election
coverage.)
The top twenty issues discussed between June 1995 and June 1996 were:
presidential elections, congressional warfare over balancing the budget,
Colin Powell, Bosnia, welfare reform, Whitewater and Travelgate, Newt
Gingrich and his Contract with America, Bob Dole, shutting down the government,
the state of the Republican Party, Pat Buchanan, abortion, Steve Forbes
and his flat tax, O.J. Simpson, affirmative action, China, Ross Perot,
discrimination and racism, Israeli elections and the Middle East peace
process, income tax reform, and immigration.
Aside from welfare reform, the most talked about issues of the June 1995
- 1996 year consisted primarily of horse-race politics. The shows gave
cursory treatment or never addressed basic issues related to corporate
power, even when these issues are plainly central to the political economy.
Neither military spending nor the industrial military complex was selected
as a topic for discussion while the effect of military base closings on
President Clintons reelection campaign was an issue for debate.
The highest ranked issue concerning corporate power was campaign finance
reform, ranked 33 and discussed less than Bob Packwoods affair with
his aide and far less than Steve Forbess flat tax.
In fact, between June 1995 and June 1996, the only topics well covered
(discussed on at least two different shows) related to corporate power
or its abuses were campaign finance reform, the tobacco industry, and
corporate downsizing. The topic of downsizing was raised only because
of two aggressive guests, Pat Buchanan and Ralph Nader, who appeared on
Sunday shows as presidential candidates. These same two guests also forced
meager discussion of GATT/NAFTA, and Nader spoke about the effects of
corporate power on democracy. A single episode of Face
the Nation stands out for focusing on CEO salaries.
The numbers demonstrate how horse-race politics displace conversation
about issues related to corporate power. During the June 1995 - June 1996
period, Colin Powell was the topic of Sunday morning conversation 47 times,
corporate crime 0. Travelgate was an issue 27 times, whereas corporate
welfare was mentioned once in a list of Clintons accomplishments.
The shows discussed O.J. Simpson 16 times, environmental matters 0. They
talked about the Christian right 9 times, but never about consumer issues
such as bank charges, phone charges, HMO abuses. They reviewed the difference
between Congressional Budget Office numbers and Office of Management and
Budget numbers 7 times; they ignored deregulation, privatization, the
commercialization of children, and proposed federal restrictions on tort
laws. Roundtable pundits argued about Oliver Stones "Nixon"
on 2 occasions but never discussed renewable energy, redlining or blockbusting.
The shows never even mentioned the World Bank, the International Monetary
Fund, or foreign aid, but one show made the weather, complete with a guest
from the National Weather Service, the center of discussion. Only a single
program, This Week, so much as discussed
the telecommunications bill and media mergers, which relate closely to
the owners of these Sunday programs. Instead of mentioning Channel One,
union-busting, multinational capital flight, and the World Trade Organization,
panelists and guests chattered about Rush Limbaugh, ChickenGate, a new
fat hormone, Cal Ripken, flag burning, legalizing prostitution, and daytime
talk shows. Topics related to corporate power - the environment, corporate
crime, labor, mergers, consumer rights, corporate welfare, national health
care, etc - make up less than 4% of the shows discussion topics.
Numbers from the last six months of 1999 reveal the same narrow parameters
of discussion. The top twenty issues discussed between June 1999 and December
1999 were: presidential elections, Hillary Clinton and the New York Senate
race, the budget surplus and tax cuts, George W. Bushs personality
and history, Pat Buchanan, clemency for Puerto Rican FALN members, John
McCain and campaign finance reform, the Waco investigation, Chinese espionage
at the Los Alamos nuclear lab, JFK Jr.s death, Al Gore, the Reform
Party, the nuclear test ban treaty, Columbine shooting and gun control,
Jesse Ventura, the Brooklyn Art Museum exhibit vs. Mayor Giuliani, Egypt
Air flight 990, Barak and the Middle East peace process, Bill Bradley,
and Monica Lewinsky and Kenneth Starr. Campaign finance reform was thrust
into the spotlight only because of McCains remarkable presidential
run and his nine guest appearances.
Aside from the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform bill, the most
discussed issue concerning corporate power was HMOs and a Patient Billof
Rights, ranked 26, well after Ken Starr, the Middle East peace process,
the controversial Brooklyn art exhibit, Egypt Air Flight 990 and Jesse
Ventura. The only other issues concerning corporate power discussed during
the second half of 1999 were free trade with China and the Microsoft antitrust
case. The Mclaughlin Group also devoted a
segment of a single episode to urban sprawl. Instead of addressing consumer
issues, environmental matters, corporate crime, the IMF, the WTO, labor
rights or the minimum wage, shows devoted time to topics like the womens
World Cup soccer victory, a moon landing tribute, Jerry Springers
possible senatorial campaign, a heat wave, Tina Browns kickoff party
for Talk Magazine, mail order brides, fathers day, and football
player Reggie Whites religious views.
An overwhelming majority of invited guests on the shows are lawmakers,
government officials, and politicians -- a skew that tends to reinforce
narrow parameters of discussion and exclude issues of corporate power.
The top ten guests on the four Sunday morning political talk shows aired
between June 1995 and June 1996 were: GOP presidential candidate Pat Buchanan,
White House Chief of Staff Leon Panetta, GOP presidential candidate Bob
Dole, GOP presidential candidate Phil Gramm, GOP presidential candidate
Steve Forbes, House Majority Leader Dick Armey, Senate Majority Leader
Trent Lott, Chairman of the Budget Committee John Kasich, Secretary of
Treasury Robert Rubin, Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Chairman
of Empower America William Bennet, Senator Pete Domenici, House Minority
Leader Richard Gephart, Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, Senator John
McCain, Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Executive Director of the Christain
Coalition Ralph Reed, Secretary of Defense William Perry, Chairman of
Doles campaign Steve Merrill, Chairman of the Republican National
Committee Haley Barbour, Senator Christopher Dodd.
Except for presidential candidates, not a single guest of the 215 guests
was an environmentalist or consumer advocate. Ralph Nader was invited
to the show as a presidential candidate. John Sweeney and Thomas Donahue,
candidates for the presidency of the AFL-CIO, were the only guests who
were labor leaders. From June 1999 to December 1999, the top five guests
were all presidential candidates. Not a single guest from the second half
of 1999 was an environmentalist, consumer advocate or labor leader. Instead
of worker representatives, the shows invited the CEO of United Airlines,
the CEO of Continental Airlines, a Goldman and Sachs analyst, a womens
soccer player, retired basketball stars, and political satirists.
(Ralph Nader's repeat appearances on the Sunday shows during the 2000
election season demonstrates that it is possible to force some discussion
of corporate power issues on the Sunday shows. But the fact that Nader
-- along with, to some extent, Buchanan and McCain -- was so atypical
a guest, and that even Nader appeared repeatedly only after mounting a
significant presidential challenge, actually highlights how resistant
the shows are to guests who will discuss issues of corporate power.)
Sunday morning political talk shows promise the clarification of weekly
issues and provocation of the engaged citizen -- healthy ingredients for
a functioning democracy. Yet, as our numbers have demonstrated, the shows
select narrow parameters of discussion, not only failing to fulfill their
potential, but skewing public and elite opinion-making conversation further
away from issues related to the impact of corporate behavior. Our survey
shows that issues concerning corporate power are generally excluded from
the Sunday morning talk shows. Our point is not that the shows should
focus exclusively on corporate power issues. But these issues -- from
banking and telecommunications regulation to corporate subsidies, from
international trade policy and governance to antitrust enforcement --
are both central to Washington policymaking and to the condition of people's
lives. A BusinessWeek poll, published in the September 11, 2000 issue
of the magazine, revealed that 72% of Americans believe business has too
much power over too many aspects of their lives, and 74% believe big companies
have too much political influence. The policy debates over these issues
can be heated, simplified and typically invoke passion when put in understandable
terms (infuriating problems with telephone billing, contaminated drinking
water, factory closings and lost jobs, to take three examples). They should
be attractive fodder for any talk show that is not foreclosed to discussion
of corporate power issues.
Is it too much to suspect that corporate influence over the networks,
the shows and the guests in part explains the remarkable omission of issues
related to corporate power? Multinational conglomerates own the networks,
major corporations sponsor specific shows, businesses regularly pay celebrity
journalist lecture fees, and massive corporations fund the campaigns of
the guest newsmakers. Archer Daniels Midland, notably, is a huge advertiser
on NBC (The Mclaughlin Group, Meet
the Press) and sponsors Meet the Press
and This Week. (Indeed longtime This
Week host David Brinkley is now a paid spokesperson for ADM.) Might
this account in some measure for the shows' failure to mention the ADM
scandal, despite its simultaneous newsworthiness and entertainment value?
Whatever the reasons, one thing is clear: the shows overwhelmingly avoid
issues touching on corporate power.
The basic defense of these roundtable programs is that they are show
businesses. Eleanor Clift, a regular panelist on The
Mclaughlin Group, called the show "the Superbowl of bullshit,"
and there certainly is merit to Clifts claims. These combinations
of interview and roundtable commentary too often reduce themselves to
unadulterated sensationalism. Horse-race and tactical political analysis
replaces civil, intelligent debate over substantive issues. But while
it may be accurate to describe the shows as full of bluster and bombast,
it does not follow that they are no more politically consequential than
professional wrestling (Jesse Ventura notwithstanding). These shows are
targeted toward a very elite beltway audience -- only Washington DC ratings
are measured -- and every Sunday, White House staff and Congressional
aids review them to determine the "hot" issues confronting public.
These shows are important in setting the agenda for debate in Washington,
and the core issues of core concern to Americans job security,
a decent wage, clean air, pensions, privacy, good healthcare at a fair
price are excluded.
Issues 1999
Issues 1996
Guests 1999
Guests 1996
Top Twenty Issues 1999
Top Twenty Issues 1996
Top Twenty Guests 1999
Top Twenty Guests 1996
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank Rob Weissman for all his guidance,
patience, and editing. We would also like to thank John Richard and Ralph
Nader for making this study possible.
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